Обсуждение:Мухаджиры
Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān
| Те, кто эмигрировал из Мекки (q.v.) в Медину (q.v.) вместе с пророком Мухаммадом (эмигранты, мухаджирун) и жителями Медины, которые получали и помогали им (помощники, anṣār). В более широком смысле те, кто покидают дом и землю, отказываясь от злых дел и отказываясь от личных желаний ради Бога, называются эмигрантами Кораном (мухаджир, д. 4: 100, 29:26). В некоторых классических источниках Мединаны, которые пришли в Мекку и встретились с Мухаммадом в Акабе, также характеризовались как эмигранты, потому что Медина считалась обителью политеизма (см. Политеизм и атеизм), и оттуда они пришли к Пророку (Насаи, Сунан , K. al-Bay'a, ch. 13). В литературе Ḥadīth дается определение эмигранта (мухаджира) как человека, который воздерживается от запрещенного (q.v.) Бога (Бухари, Шаши, К. аль-Īmān). Термин, который стал mhaggrāyē в сирийском, magaritai по-гречески, также использовался немусульманскими писателями во время арабских завоеваний при упоминании арабов, возможно, предлагая самоназвание завоевателей в то время (Земля Хой-¶ , Увидев Ислам, 547-8). В ходе исламской истории различные мусульманские группы были идентифицированы как мухаджирун, такие как те, кто эмигрировал с российских и балканских территорий в Турцию в первые десятилетия двадцатого века, и те, кто эмигрировал из Британской Индии в Афганистан и из Индии в Пакистан После его создания в 1947 году.
Технически, однако, эмигранты (мухаджирун) были теми ранними сподвижниками Пророка (qv), которые обязались эмигрировать (хиджра, видеть эмиграцию) из Мекки в Медину (известную до хиджры как Ятриб) и которые поселились на последнем месте во время Период между 1-8 / 622-30. Помощники (anṣār) были теми мединанами, которые принимали ислам, получали эмигрантов, предоставляли им убежище и защиту и помогали им поселиться в своей новой обители. В то время как подавляющее большинство мухаджирунов были членами племени курайшей, анхара были исключительно членами двух арабских племен, проживающих в Медине - Авс и Хазрадж, которые все вместе называются Бану Кайла (см. Арабы, племена и кланы). Мухаджир, единственное из мухаджирунов, используется в Коране и других арабских источниках в этом техническом смысле, но naṣīr, единственное из anṣār, не используется для обозначения отдельных помощников Медина. Ссылка на тех, кто эмигрировал ради Бога, появляется девятнадцать раз в Коране, семнадцать из которых экзегетическая традиция напрямую или косвенно связана с эмигрантами из Мекки. Слово anṣār и его родственники nāṣir и naṣīr кажутся сорок шесть раз в Коране, но ссылки на медика Медина появляются только пять раз - дважды в форме anṣār (q 9: 100, 117), в два раза «те, кто Дал убежище и помощь »(q 8:72, 74) и один раз« другие »(q 59: 9). Согласно классическим описаниям ранних дней ислама, после второго обещания «Акабы» Пророк ¶ поручил своим сподвижникам эмигрировать в Ятриб и сделать это небольшими группами, чтобы избежать внимания курайшитов (q.v.). Через несколько месяцев почти все мусульмане покинули Мекку и достигли Медины. Некоторые пошли одни, другие - со своими семьями. Как только курайшиты осознали опасность этого шага, они пытались либо путем убеждения, либо принуждением, чтобы предотвратить побег мусульман, но не имели большого успеха. Ибн Исхак (д. 150/767), Ибн Са'д (д. 230/845) и ряд других ранних источников сообщают, что только в двух случаях курайшиты преуспели в том, чтобы побуждать к отступничеству (q.v.) с помощью чрезмерной силы. Однако оба человека, как сообщается, вернулись в ислам и покинули Мекку в подходящий момент (Ибн Исхак, Сира, II, 87-90, Ибн Са'д, Шабакат, III, 271-2, iv, 130-2). Многие из тех, кто оставил своих мусульманских жен и детей в Мекке, воссоединились с ними, поскольку все больше людей проскальзывало сквозь пальцы меккан. Те, кто ранее эмигрировал в Абиссинию (q.v.), теперь вернулись и эмигрировали в Медину, получая кредит за создание двух хиджр. Трудно точно узнать число тех, кто эмигрировал в первую волну в Медину. Основываясь на списках имен в ранних арабских источниках, можно с уверенностью оценить, что общее число взрослых мужчин-эмигрантов не превышает восьмидесяти. Если в Ибн Са'де (Бабакат, I, 238) и аль-Баладхури (д. 279/892, Ансаб, я, 314-5) сообщается о братстве (муахат, установленном в первый год хиджры, см. Братьев и Братство) взяты по номиналу - что ни один эмигрант не остался без братства, установленного между ним и Помощником, - тогда число взрослых мужчин-эмигрантов было значительно меньше. Эти два источника называют только девяносто мужчин, между которыми было создано братство, сорок пять из категории эмигрантов и сорок пять из числа помощников. Один отчет в этих источниках ¶ ставит число по пятьдесят с каждой стороны, увеличивая общее количество до ста. В свете этих сообщений цифра в восемьдесят, поскольку общее число (взрослые мужчины) эмигрантов кажутся нереалистичными. Тем не менее, по мере того, как все больше людей принимали ислам и присоединились к Пророку в Медине, их число постепенно увеличивалось. В недавней работе, посвященной биографическим заметкам тех, кто сделал свой хиджр в Медине, перечислены 304 имени, включая женщин и детей (Уорд, Ашаб аль-Хиджра). Пророк присвоил статус мухаджирун нескольким кочевым племенам, которые обратились в ислам, давая присягу на верность (байа, см. Клятвы, залог) и поселились в Медине. Несколько других кочевых племен, таких как Музайна и Хузая, которые подписали специальные договоры с Пророком, также получили статус мухаджирун, но не поселились в Медине (Ибн Са'д, Шабакат, и 291, 293, а также 303 для Кушайра б. Кааба). Это ясно указывает на то, что особый статус был приложен к обозначению мухаджирун и что люди с самого раннего этапа исламской истории стремились приобрести его так или иначе. В этой связи следует упомянуть более позднюю, не-qur'аническую концепцию мест или центров эмиграции (dūr al-hijra) в отношении ранних мусульманских городов-гарнизонов. Поселение в этих городах считалось своим статусом мусульманина. В определенном смысле понятие эмиграции даже играет в исламские концепции спасения (q.v.). Аняр, который заключил соглашение с Пророком, приветствовал новоприбывших в своем городе и, несмотря на ограниченные ресурсы, поделился с ними тем, что у них было. Некоторые из них дошли до того, что разделили свое богатство на две части и предложили половину своим гостям. Чтобы создать прочную связь между анхараром и мухаджируном, Пророк ввел вышеупомянутую систему братства. |
Those who emigrated from Mecca (q.v.) to Medina (q.v.) with the prophet Muḥammad (Emigrants, muhājirūn), and the residents of Medina who received and helped them (Helpers, anṣār). In a broader sense, those who forsake home and land, giving up evil deeds and renouncing personal desires for the sake of God are called emigrants by the Qurʾān (muhājir, q 4:100; 29:26). In some classical sources the Medinans who came to Mecca and met Muḥammad at ʿ Aqaba were also characterized as emigrants because Medina was considered to be the abode of polytheism (see polytheism and atheism ) and from there they had come to the Prophet (Nasāʾī, Sunan, K. al-Bayʿa, ch. 13). Ḥadīth literature offers a definition of emigrant (muhājir) as one who abstains from things forbidden (q.v.) by God (Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ, K. al-Īmān). The term, which became mhaggrāyē in Syriac, magaritai in Greek, was also used by non-Muslim writers at the time of the Arab conquests when mentioning the Arabs, perhaps suggesting the self-designation of the conquerors at the time (Hoy-¶ land, Seeing Islam, 547-8). In the course of Islamic history, various Muslim groups have been identified as muhājirūn, such as those who emigrated from Russian and Balkan territories to Turkey during the early decades of the twentieth century and those who emigrated from British India to Afghanistan and from India to Pakistan after its creation in 1947.
Technically, however, the Emigrants (muhājirūn) were those early Companions of the Prophet (q.v.) who undertook to emigrate ( hijra, see emigration ) from Mecca to Medina (known before the hijra as Yathrib) and who settled in the latter place during the period between 1-8/622-30. The Helpers (anṣār) were those Medinans who accepted Islam, received the Emigrants, provided them with shelter and protection, and helped them to settle in their new abode. While the great majority of the muhājirūn were members of the Quraysh tribe, the anṣār were exclusively the members of two Arab tribes residing in Medina — the Aws and the Khazraj, collectively known as Banū Qayla (see arabs; tribes and clans). Muhājir, the singular of muhājirūn, is used in the Qurʾān and other Arabic sources in this technical sense, but naṣīr, the singular of anṣār, is not used to designate individual Medinan Helpers. Reference to those who had emigrated for the sake of God appears nineteen times in the Qurʾān, seventeen of which the exegetical tradition has related, directly or indirectly, to the Meccan Emigrants. The word anṣār and its cognates nāṣir and naṣīr appear forty-six times in the Qurʾān, but references to the anṣār of Medina appear only five times — twice in the form of anṣār ( q 9:100, 117), twice as “those who gave shelter and help” ( q 8:72, 74) and once as “others” ( q 59:9). According to classical accounts of the early days of Islam, it was following the second pledge of ʿ Aqaba that the Prophet ¶ instructed his Companions to emigrate to Yathrib and to do so in small groups to avoid the attention of the Quraysh (q.v.). Within a few months almost all Muslims had left Mecca and reached Medina. Some went alone, others with their families. As soon as the Quraysh realized the danger of this move, they tried, either by persuasion or by coercion, to prevent the escape of Muslims, but had little success. Ibn Isḥāq (d. 150/767), Ibn Saʿd (d. 230/ 845) and several other early sources report that in only two instances did the Quraysh succeed in inducing apostasy (q.v.) by use of excessive force. Both individuals, however, reportedly returned to Islam and left Mecca at an opportune moment (Ibn Isḥāq, Sīra, ii, 87-90; Ibn Saʿd, Ṭabaqāt, iii, 271-2; iv, 130-2). Many of those who left their Muslim wives and children in Mecca were reunited with them as more and more people slipped through the fingers of the Meccans. Those who had earlier emigrated to Abyssinia (q.v.) now came back and emigrated to Medina, gaining credit for making two hijras. It is difficult to know precisely the number of those who emigrated in the first wave to Medina. Based on the lists of names in early Arabic sources it can safely be estimated that the total number of adult male emigrants was not more than eighty. If the reports in Ibn Saʿd (Ṭabaqāt, i, 238) and al-Balādhurī (d. 279/892; Ansāb, i, 314-5) about the brotherhood ( muʾākhāt, established in the first year of the hijra; see brothers and brotherhood ) are taken at face value — that no Emigrant was left without a brotherhood established between him and a Helper — then the number of adult male Emigrants was substantially less. These two sources name only ninety men between whom a brotherhood was established, forty-five from the category of the Emigrants and forty-five from that of the Helpers. One report in these sources ¶ puts the number at fifty on each side, raising the total to one hundred. In the light of these reports, the figure of eighty as the total number of (male adult) Emigrants seems unrealistic. Nonetheless, as more and more people accepted Islam and joined the Prophet in Medina, their number gradually increased. A recent work devoted to the biographical notes of those who made their hijra to Medina lists 304 names, including women and children (Ward, Aṣḥāb al-hijra). The Prophet assigned the status of muhājirūn to a number of nomadic tribes who converted to Islam by giving the oath of allegiance ( bayʿa, see oaths; pledge) and settled in Medina. A few other nomadic tribes, such as Muzayna and Khuzāʿa, who signed special treaties with the Prophet, also received the status of muhājirūn although not by settling in Medina (Ibn Saʿd, Ṭabaqāt, i, 291, 293; also 303 for Qushayr b. Kaʿb). This clearly indicates that a special status was attached to the designation muhājirūn and that people from the very earliest phase of Islamic history sought to acquire it in one way or another. In this regard, one should mention the later, non-qurʾānic concept of seats or centers of emigration(dūr al-hijra), in reference to early Muslim garrison cities. Settling in these cities was counted towards one's status as a Muslim. In a certain sense, the notion of emigration even plays into Islamic concepts of salvation (q.v.). The anṣār, who had entered into an agreement with the Prophet, welcomed the newcomers to their city and, despite limited resources, shared with them whatever they had. Some of them went so far as to divide their entire wealth in two and offer one half to their guests. To create a lasting tie between the anṣār and the muhājirūn, the Prophet introduced the aforementioned system of brotherhood. |
- Primary
- ʿAbd al-Razzāq, Muṣannaf
- al-Balādhurī, Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā, Ansāb al-ashrāf, ed. M. al-Firdaws al-ʿAẓamī, 13 vols., Damascus 1996-
- Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ
- Ibn Ḥazm, Jawāmiʿ al-sīra wa-khams rasāʾil ukhrā, ed. I. ʿAbbās and N. al-Asad, Cairo 1956, repr. Gujranwalah ca. 1980
- Ibn Isḥāq, Sīra, ed. M. al-Saqqā, Beirut 1994
- Ibn Isḥāq-Guillaume
- Ibn al-Jawzī, Abū l-Faraj ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿAlī, al-Wafāʾ bi-aḥwāl al-Muṣṭafā, ed. M.ʿA. ʿAṭā, Beirut 1988
- Ibn Saʿd, Ṭabaqāt, ed. I. ʿAbbās
- Nasāʾī, Sunan
- al-Rāghib al-Iṣfahānī, Abū l-Qāsim al-Ḥusayn, Mufradāt alfāẓ al-Qurʾān, ed. Ṣ.ʿA. Dāwūdī, Damascus 19972
- Suyūṭī, Itqān
- Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, ed. M. Abū l-Faḍl Ibrāhīm
- Secondary
- M.R. Aḥmad, al-Sīra al-nabawiyya fī ḍawʾ al-maṣādir al-aṣliyya. Dirāsa taḥlīliyya, Riyadh 1992
- M.Ḥ. al-Dhahabī, al-Tafsīr wa-l-mufassirūn, 2 vols., Cairo 1992
- M. Hamidullah, The first written constitution in the world, Lahore 1968
- R. Hoyland, Seeing Islam as others saw it, Princeton 1997, 547-8
- ʿA.ʿA. b. Idrīs, Mujtamaʿ al-Madīna fī ʿahd al-rasūl, Riyadh 1982
- M. Lecker, Muslims, Jews and pagans. Studies on early Islamic Medina, Leiden 1995
- G. Mélamède, The meetings at al-ʿAḳaba, in Le monde orientale 28 (1934), 17-58, repr. in U. Rubin et al. (eds.), The life of Muḥammad, Brookfield, VT 1998, 104-50
- R.B. Serjeant, The sunna jāmiʿa, pacts with the Yathrib Jews, and the taḥrīm of Yathrib. Analysis and translation of the documents in the so-called ‘Constitution of Medina,’ in bsoas 41 (1978), 1-42; repr. in U. Rubin (ed.), The life of Muḥammad, Brookfield, VT 1998, 151-92
- Sezgin, gas
- B.A. al-Ward, Aṣḥāb al-hijra fī l-Islām, Beirut 1986
- W.M. Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, Oxford 1953
- id., Muhammad at Medina, Oxford 1956, repr. Karachi 1981
Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition
| аль-Мухаджи̲йрун (837 слов) (а.), эмигранты, - это, прежде всего, те мекканские мусульмане, которые совершили хидджуру или эмиграцию из Мекки в Медину либо непосредственно перед самим Мухаммедом, либо в период до завоевания Мекки в 8/630 году. Слово hid̲j̲ra [q.v.] подразумевает не только смену места жительства, но также и прекращение родственных связей и замену их новыми отношениями. В документе, известном как Конституция Медины (Ibn His̲h̲ām, 341-4), который является соглашением «между эмигрантами и аньярами (мусульманами Медины)», эмигранты представлены как один «клан» или родственная группа в федерацию с восемью кланами Ангар. В шуране (VIII, 72) говорится, что «те, кто верил, эмигрировал и боролся с благами и личностью в деле Божьем, и те, кто предоставил убежище и помощь (то есть Аньяр), являются друг другом», и Термин awliyāʾ (покровители или клиенты) означает, что существует взаимная обязанность защиты, даже если это не относится к формальному братству или muʾākhāt [qv], который действовал какое-то время ».
В течение первых шестнадцати месяцев после прибытия Мухаммеда в Медину эмигранты почти целиком зависели от гостеприимства ангара, за исключением того, что один или два из них торговали на еврейском рынке. Их группы отправились в экспедиции против мекканских караванов, но ничего не добились до экспедиции Накхулы в 2/624 г., когда они захватили небольшой караван. Вероятно, именно из-за трудностей эмигрантов в этот первый период было несколько стихов, заверяющих их в Божьей благосклонности: «те, кто верил, эмигрировал и стремился к Божьему делу, надеется на Его милость» (II, 218); «Те, кто эмигрировал ради Бога после того, как их обидели», будут хорошо жить в этом мире, а также получат награду будущей жизни (XVI, 41). Подобные обещания были сделаны позже после того, как некоторые из них умерли или были убиты (III, 195; XXII, 58). После завоевания Мекки настаивали на том, что те, кто верил, эмигрировал и боролся в Божье дело, был в более высоком положении, чем те мекканцы, которые не приняли ислам до окончания завоевания (IX, 19-22). После того, как экспедиции начали приносить грабеж, большая часть этого досталась эмигрантам, хотя аншарам не было отказано в доле (например, LIX, 8, 9, ссылаясь на добычу изгнанных еврейских кланов). Количество эмигрантов в Медине продолжало увеличиваться. Особенно после провала осады Медины в 5/627 г. мужчины и женщины из. Мекка поехала поселиться в Медину. Некоторые были верующими в течение ряда лет, но остались в Мекке, когда Мухаммед совершил свою хиджаджру. Другие, как K̲h bālid б. аль-Валид и Амр б. Аль-decided, решил добавить свою долю с Мухаммедом, когда они увидели его растущее процветание и ухудшающиеся перспективы для Мекки. Когда люди из кочевых племен стали мусульманами, им был предоставлен выбор между кочевым обязательством (байя bарабийя) и залогом эмиграции (байя хидж̲̲ра); в первом случае они остались со своим племенем, в то время как во втором они поселились в Медине и стали мухаджи .ирунами. Мухаммед поддержал это последнее, потому что они увеличили силу и важность его «клана» эмигрантов, а также предоставили дополнительных участников для рейдовых экспедиций, которые были заметной частью его политики. Со временем, чтобы стать Мухамеджером, мы получили определенное достоинство. Когда мусульмане, которые нашли убежище в Абиссинии около 615 года, чтобы избежать преследования, в конечном итоге прибыли в Медину в 7/628 году, их считали совершившими хидджуру в Абиссинию, а также Мухадуджиуруна. После этого те, кто отправился в Абиссинию, а затем вернулся в Мекку как раз вовремя, чтобы присоединиться к первоначальной хиддзёре, заявили, что у них есть две хиджйуры в их честь (Ибн Сауд, iv / 1, 79, l. 8; viii, 205 футов). Статус muhād̲j̲irūn был предоставлен договором о кочевых племенах Muzayna, Aslam, Khuzāʿa и, возможно, других, хотя они продолжали кочевой образ жизни на их племенных основаниях (Ibn Saʿd, I / 2, 24, 25, 38; и т. Д.). Неудивительно, что иногда между эмигрантами и аньярами возникали трения. Один случай был в экспедиции в аль-Мурайси в 5/627 году, когда Абд Аллах б. Убайй [q.v.], лидер Лицемеров, по-видимому, сделал замечания о том, что сильные вытесняют слабых, когда они вернулись в Медину - замечания, о которых сообщается в Куране (LXIII, 8). Вернувшись в Медину, Ибн Убайй присоединился к «делу лжи (ифк)» против Шиштхи, но в противостоянии с ним Мухаммед заручился поддержкой большей части Ангар. После смерти Мухаммеда Андару потребовался один из них, Сауд б. «Убада, чтобы стать главой сообщества мусульман, но решительные действия Умара привели к общему признанию Абу Бакра как кххалилифа». |
al-Muhād̲j̲irūn (837 words) (a.), the Emigrants, are primarily those Meccan Muslims who made the hid̲j̲ra or emigration from Mecca to Medina either just before Muḥammad himself or in the period up to the conquest of Mecca in 8/630. The word hid̲j̲ra [q.v.] implies not only change of residence but also the ending of ties of kinship and the replacement of these by new relationships. In the document known as the Constitution of Medina (Ibn His̲h̲ām, 341-4), which is an agreement «between the Emigrants and the Anṣār (the Muslims of Medina)», the Emigrants appear as one «clan» or kin-group entering into a federation with eight clans of the Anṣār. The Ḳurʾān (VIII, 72) states that «those who have believed and emigrated and striven with goods and person in the cause of God and those who have given shelter and help (that is, the Anṣār) are awliyāʾ of one another», and the term awliyāʾ (patrons or clients) means that there is a mutual duty of protection, even if it does not refer to the formal brotherhood or muʾākhāt [q.v.] which was in force for a time.¶
For the first sixteen months after Muḥammad’s arrival in Medina, the Emigrants were almost entirely dependent on the hospitality of the Anṣār, except that one or two of them did some trading in the Jewish market. Groups of them went out on raiding expeditions against Meccan caravans, but achieved nothing until the expedition of Nak̲h̲la in 2/624 when they captured a small caravan. It was probably because of the difficulties of the Emigrants in this first period that there are several verses assuring them of God’s favour: «those who have believed and emigrated and striven in God’s cause have hope of His mercy» (II, 218); «those who have emigrated for God’s sake after being wronged» will be lodged well in this world and also have the reward of the Hereafter (XVI, 41). Similar promises were made later after some had died or been killed (III, 195; XXII, 58). After the conquest of Mecca it was insisted that those who had believed and emigrated and fought in God’s cause were in a superior position to those Meccans who had not accepted Islam until after the conquest (IX, 19-22). Once the expeditions had begun to bring in plunder, much of this went to the Emigrants, though the Anṣār were not denied a share (e.g. LIX, 8, 9, referring to the spoils from expelled Jewish clans). The number of Emigrants in Medina continued to be added to. Especially after the failure of the siege of Medina in 5/627, men and women from. Mecca went to settle in Medina. Some had been believers for a number of years, but had remained in Mecca when Muḥammad made his hid̲j̲ra. Others, like K̲h̲ālid b. al-Walīd and ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ, decided to throw in their lot with Muḥammad when they saw his increasing prosperity and the declining prospects for Mecca. When men from nomadic tribes became Muslims they were given a choice between the nomadic pledge (bayʿa ʿarabiyya) and the pledge of emigration (bayʿa hid̲j̲ra); in the former case they remained with their tribe, while in the latter they settled in Medina and became muhād̲j̲irūn . Muḥammad encouraged these last because they increased the strength and importance of his «clan» of Emigrants and also provided additional participants for the raiding expeditions which were a prominent part of his policy. In course of time, to be a muhād̲j̲ir conferred a certain dignity of status. When the Muslims who had taken refuge in Abyssinia around 615 to escape from persecution eventually came to Medina in 7/628, they were regarded as having made a hid̲j̲ra to Abyssinia, and so as muhād̲j̲irūn. After this, those who had gone to Abyssinia and then returned to Mecca in time to join the original hid̲j̲ra claimed that they had two hid̲j̲ras to their credit (Ibn Saʿd, iv/1, 79, l. 8; viii, 205 foot). The status of muhād̲j̲irūn was conferred by treaty on the nomadic tribes of Muzayna, Aslam, Khuzāʿa and perhaps others, although they continued a nomadic life in their tribal grounds (Ibn Saʿd, i/2, 24, 25, 38; etc.). Not surprisingly, there was sometimes friction between the Emigrants and the Anṣār. One occasion was on the expedition to al-Muraysīʿ in 5/627, when ʿAbd Allāh b. Ubayy [q.v.], the leader of the Hypocrites, seems to have made remarks about the stronger driving out the weaker when they returned to Medina—remarks reported in the Ḳurʾān (LXIII, 8). Back in Medina, Ibn Ubayy joined in the «affair of the lie (ifk)» against ʿĀʾis̲h̲a, but in a confrontation with him Muḥammad gained the support of most of the Anṣār. On Muḥammad’s death, the Anṣār wanted one of themselves, Saʿd b. ʿUbāda, to become head of the community of Muslims, but firm action by ʿUmar led to the general acceptance of Abū Bakr as k̲h̲alīfa.¶ |
- Ibn His̲h̲ām
- Wensinck, Handbook, s.v. Muhād̲j̲irūn, Anṣār
- W.M. Watt, Muhammad at Medina, Oxford 1956, index, s.v. Emigrants, hijrah.
Muhājirūn // Encyclopaedia of Islam, THREE
- Table of Contents
- 1. Muhājirūn in pre-Islamic Arabic and the Qurʾān
- 2. Syriac and Greek sources
- 3. Muhājirūn in Arabic literature
- 4. Later uses of the word
Bibliography In Arabic literature, the word muhājirūn is used primarily to describe the Companions of the prophet Muḥammad who emigrated from Mecca to Medina, but this was not the exclusive usage of the word in the early Islamic era. The word is a plural active participle meaning “those who emigrate (i.e., make the hijra)” or “those [nomads] who settle.”
- 1. Muhājirūn in pre-Islamic Arabic and the Qurʾān
In Ancient South Arabian inscriptions, the root hgr connotes settlements, a meaning also attested in Classical Arabic (Beeston et al., 56). In Ancient North Arabian epigraphy, the verb hgr occurs in the meaning “migrate” in at least one Safaitic inscription. The relevant inscription (ASWS 73, in Al-Jallad, 224) contains the phrase hgr m-mdbr, “he migrated from the inner desert.” Because the language of the Safaitic inscriptions arguably belongs to the Old Arabic continuum (Al-Jallad, 12), it is possible that the meaning “migration” is attested, albeit rarely, for this root in pre-Islamic Arabic as well. Safaitic script does not write vowels, even long ones, but the verb probably corresponds to Classical Arabic hājara.
The verb hājara and its participles appear some twenty times in the Qurʾān, without explicit connection to any toponym; hijra never appears in the Qurʾān as a word (the Qurʾānic occurrences are surveyed by Mortensen). The muhājirūn are depicted as believers facing persecution (Q 3:195; Crone, 354). Qurʾānic verses such as 3:195, 8:72, and 22:58 link emigration and holy war (Crone 354–5; Donner, 85–6; Masud, 32). Part of 3:195 says, “Those who emigrated (alladhīna hājarū), were evicted from their houses, harmed in My path, and fought and were killed. I will absolve them of their evil deeds and make them enter gardens beneath which rivers flow.” In other verses (e.g., 4:97), the Qurʾānic muhājirūn are discussed in the context of renouncing the surrounding, unbelieving, world (Mortensen). In Q 29:26, Abraham says, “I will emigrate to my Lord (innī muhājir ilā rabbī)”; this makes emigration a spiritual concept.
- 2. Syriac and Greek sources
Continuing chronologically with the available sources, we encounter the words magaritai in Greek and mhaggrāyē or mhaggrē in Syriac sources written in the early Islamic era. The first (dated) occurrence of magaritai is in a bilingual Greek-Arabic papyrus (PERF 558) dated 22/643, while mhaggrē is first attested in Syriac in the writings of Ishoʿyahb III, who died in 659 CE (Hoyland, 179–80). Some scholars have traced this word etymologically to Hagar, the biblical character (Crone and Cook, 8–9; Griffith, 122–4), but others have argued that the Greek and Syriac words derive from the Arabic muhājirūn (Donner, 86; Hoyland, 76; Webb, 170). The words magaritai and mhaggrāyē have not been found in pre-Islamic Greek and Syriac sources, which perhaps favours an Arabic origin (Hoyland, 180, n. 25).
The Greek and Syriac texts’ use of magaritai and mhaggrāyē is broad, referring to early Muslims, save for their mawālī (freedmen and clients) (Crone, 359–62). The words thus denote the conquerors and settlers encountered by the non-Arabic speaking populace (Webb, 142).
- 3. Muhājirūn in Arabic literature
In much of Arabic literature, the word muhājirūn is employed to refer to “those Companions of the Prophet who emigrated from Mecca to Medina.” That is not, however, the exclusive sense, since many texts use the word to denote both early Muslims in general who migrated to the conquered areas and nomads who settled as part of their process of joining the Islamic community. Indeed, this double meaning, migration and settlement, is present in the term muhājirūn. It functions as “the honorific title which the Arab settlers liked to apply to themselves” (Madelung, 162–3). The Arabic literary sources indicate that settling down was seen as a prerequisite for those nomads wishing to convert to Islam (Athamina, 7; Crone, 356, 361–3; Masud, 37). Returning to the desert, taʿarrub, was seen as tantamount to apostasy (Athamina, 11; Webb, 122).
These texts, paired with Syriac and Greek sources, show that the muhājirūn originally comprised a larger group of people than the traditional, limited sense entails. The general use of the word is seen also in early Arabic poetry (Lindstedt, 73). The word muhājirūn occurs frequently in Arabic apocalyptic material, denoting, broadly, believers taking part in the battles of the border regions. For instance, in one apocalyptic tradition ascribed to Daniel and describing eschatological battles against the Byzantines in northern Syria, the words muslimūn and muhājirūn are used interchangeably (Nuʿaym b. Ḥammād, 445–6; Ibn al-ʿAdīm, 1:491–2; trans. in Lindstedt, 71–2).
As in the Qurʾān, the notion of hijra in later Arabic literature is tied closely to warfare, jihād (Athamina, 8; Crone, 364): the muhājirūn are activist warriors and settlers. Early Muslims used the word muhājirūn as a group name for themselves, although it appears to have excluded mawālī and nomads (Crone, 365; Hoyland, 76, n. 72; Lindstedt, 69). Hijra, the migration to and settlement in conquered territories—in particular the amṣār (garrison towns)—was seen as a duty by many early Muslims (Crone 381–3; Webb, 132–3).
It is not known with certainty when the classical, traditional understanding of the word, in the limited sense of Companions emigrating to Medina during the years 1–8/622–30, became dominant, but this might have happened as late as the early ʿAbbāsid era (Crone, 367–87). In this understanding, the muhājirūn are paired with the anṣār, the Medinan Helpers of the Prophet: these two groups joined, according to Arabic literary evidence, in brotherly unions (muʾākhāt; Lecker, 31; Masud, 31) to form the Islamic community of Medina. The classical interpretation includes the idea that the duty of hijra came to an end with the conquest of Mecca in the year 8/630 (Crone, 377; Masud, 33). In this sense, the concept muhājirūn is thus limited, applying only to those participating in the two recognised hijras, one to Ethiopia (al-Balādhurī, 1:446–533), the other to Medina (al-Balādhurī, 1:608–43).
According to the biographies of the Prophet, Muḥammad’s uncle Abū Ṭālib and wife Khadīja died about three years before Muḥammad’s hijra from Mecca to Medina, leaving him and his followers vulnerable to persecution and making emigration from Mecca a necessity. After meeting with leaders of various tribes and towns, Muḥammad was pledged allegiance by the people of Medina at al-ʿAqaba. The sources tell us that Muḥammad’s Meccan followers emigrated to Medina and that finally the Prophet himself arrived in Medina on 12 Rabīʿ I, in what later became year 1 of the Islamic calendar (622 C.E.). In the biographies too, the notion of hijra is connected with fighting, since it is during and after the emigration to Medina that God allowed the early Muslims to engage in warfare against their enemies (for the events of this paragraph, see Ibn Hishām, 277–346).
- 4. Later uses of the word
The depiction of Muḥammad as the prototypical muhājir resonated down the centuries, and some later Muslim leaders and groups emulated his behaviour as regards hijra. The Ṣūfīs considered the spiritual hijra to God to be paramount (Masud, 35–6), but the idea of physical emigration lived on amongst Muslims. From the earliest times, hijra included the idea of “emigration from an unbelieving society to a place held by Believers” (Donner, 203), that is, from dār al-kufr to dār al-Islām (Masud, 34). A notable example of the adoption of this concept is Shehu Usman dan Fodio’s (d. 1817) movement, which resulted in the founding of the Sokoto Caliphate in what is today Nigeria. In his writings, dan Fodio promoted the idea that Muslims should leave unbelieving or only nominally Muslim countries and emigrate to places where they can establish truly Islamic societies. From these Muslim localities, they should wage war against the unbelievers and heretics (Cook, 75–8; Masud, 37–8). Dan Fodio’s views were put forward, for instance, in his work Bayān wujūb al-hijra ʿalā al-ʿibād (“The exposition of the obligation of emigration upon the servants of God”). In dan Fodio’s thinking, jihād “is a process that starts with hijra, continues with the establishment of pure Muslim communities, and culminates with actual fighting” (Cook, 77). Similar hijra-cum-jihād ideas were manifested in some other African Islamic groups, as, for example, the Mahdist movement in Sudan (Weiss, 215–6).
Not all muhājirūn took up arms. In 1920, the Khilafat movement of India urged Indian Muslims to emigrate to Afghanistan (Masud, 40–1). The movement called on Muslims “to leave the ‘Satanic’ Government of India under which, contrary to the teaching of the Koran, they were living, and to settle in a land ruled by one of the faithful” (Briggs, 164). Many heeded the call, and between 500,000 and 2,000,000 Muslims emigrated (Briggs, 165). The hijra was a disappointment: diseases and heat killed many on the way, some were robbed, and most of the Indian muhājirūn returned dismayed. Some of them, however, made it to Kabul, where they were given some land in a barren region to settle and cultivate (Briggs, 167–8; Masud, 41).
Other hijra episodes took place in colonial times as well (Ageron, 1049–56; Masud, 38–42), such as that in 1911 in Algeria, when people from Tlemcen emigrated to Morocco, Syria, and Turkey to protest French domination (Ageron).
More recently, in the United Kingdom, a radical Salafist group called Al-Muhajiroun grew in the 1990s until it was dissolved in 2004. It and its offshoots have been banned on numerous occasions, on the basis of UK terrorism laws. In the background of Al-Muhajiroun was another, larger group, Hizb ut-Tahrir, from which the former split because the latter was thought too benign (Abbas, 22, 40). Al-Muhajiroun rejected democracy, and its leader, Omar Bakri Muhammad (b. 1958), argued that “British Muslims are required by divine law to promote an Islamic state in Britain” (Abbas, 146). Some members of Al-Muhajiroun have participated in terrorist operations and plots in the United Kingdom and elsewhere. It is perhaps surprising that such a group adopted the word muhājirūn as their self-label, since the conventional conception of hijra entailed leaving non-Muslim or nominally Muslim lands to form new, genuinely Islamic, communities. However, from the late twentieth century onwards, some theological discourses have considered as permissible emigration to non-Muslim countries, in order to propagate Islam or for other purposes (Masud, 42–3).
- Bibliography
- Sources
al-Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, ed. Yūsuf al-Marʿashlī, 1 vol. in 2, Beirut 2008
Ibn al-ʿAdīm, Bughyat al-ṭalab fī taʾrīkh Ḥalab, ed. Suhayl Zakkār, 12 vols., Beirut n.d.
Ibn Hishām, Sīra, ed. Ferdinand Wüstenfeld, Göttingen 1858–60, trans. Alfred Guillaume, The life of Muhammad. A translation of Ishāq’s Sīrat rasūl Allāh, Oxford 1955
Nuʿaym b. Ḥammād, Kitāb al-fitan, ed. Samīr b. Amīn al-Zuhayrī, Cairo 1991.
- Studies
Tahir Abbas, Islamic radicalism and multicultural politics. The British experience, London and New York 2011
Charles-Robert Ageron, Les migrations des musulmans algériens et l’exode de Tlemcen (1830–1911), Annales. Économies, Sociétés, Civilisations 22/5 (1967), 1047–66
Ahmad Al-Jallad, An outline of the grammar of the Safaitic inscriptions, Leiden 2015
Khalil Athamina, Aʿrāb and muhājirūn in the environment of amṣār, SI 66 (1987), 5–25
A. F. L. Beeston, M. A. Ghul, W. W. Müller, and J. Ryckmans, Sabaic dictionary, Leuven 1982
David Cook, Understanding jihad, Berkeley 2005
F. S. Briggs, The Indian Hijrat of 1920, MW 20 (1930), 164–8
Patricia Crone, The first-century concept of hiğra, Arabica 41/3 (1994), 352–87
Patricia Crone and Michael Cook, Hagarism. The making of the Islamic world, Cambridge 1977
Fred Donner, Muḥammad and the Believers. At the origins of Islam, Cambridge MA 2010
Sydney Griffith, The Prophet Muḥammad. His scripture and his message according to the Christian apologies in Arabic and Syriac from the first Abbasid century, in T. Fahd (ed.), La vie du prophète Mahomet (Paris 1983), 99–146
Robert G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam as others saw it. A survey and evaluation of Christian, Jewish and Zoroastrian writings on early Islam, Princeton 1997
Michael Lecker, Muslims, Jews and pagans. Studies on early Islamic Medina, Leiden 1995
Ilkka Lindstedt, Muhājirūn as a name for the first/seventh century Muslims, JNES 74/1 (2015): 67–73
Wilferd Madelung, Apocalyptic prophecies in Ḥimṣ in the Umayyad age, JSS 31/2 (1986), 141–85
Muhammad Khalid Masud, The obligation to migrate. The doctrine of hijra in Islamic law, in Dale F. Eickelmann and James P. Piscatori (eds.), Muslim travellers. Pilgrimage, migration, and the religious imagination (Berkeley 1990), 29–49
Mette Mortensen, The concept of muhājirūn and its potential significance for the piety of the seventh-century Qurʾānic movement, conference paper at the 8th Nangeroni Meeting, Florence 2017
Peter Webb, Imagining the Arabs. Arab identity and the rise of Islam, Edinburgh 2016
Holger Weiss, Obligatory almsgiving. An inquiry into zakāt in the pre-colonial Bilād al-Sūdān, Helsinki 2003.
- Cite this page
- Lindstedt, Ilkka, “Muhājirūn”, in: Encyclopaedia of Islam, THREE, Edited by: Kate Fleet, Gudrun Krämer, Denis Matringe, John Nawas, Devin J. Stewart. Consulted online on 08 June 2023 <http://dx.doi.org.wikipedialibrary.idm.oclc.org/10.1163/1573-3912_ei3_COM_26176>
- First print edition: 9789004386679, 2019, 2019-6