Обсуждение:Сура
Названия сур
| № | Транскрипция названия суры | араб. | Перевод названия суры | араб. | англ. | русск. |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | аль-Фа̄тих̣ат̈ | الفاتحة | Открывающая | أم الكتاب - أم القرآن - الكفاية - الشافية - الوافية - الراقية - الشفاء - أساس القرآن - الكنز - السبع - المثاني - النور - _الدعاء - _الحمد - _الشكر - _المناجاة | umm al-kitāb, as-sab‘ al-maṯānī, umm al-Qur’ān, al-Qur’ān al-aẓīm, al-wāfiya, al-kanz, al-kāfiya, al-asās, an-nūr, aš-šukr, ar-ruqya, aš-šifā’, aš-šāfiya, aṣ-ṣalāt, ad-duʻā’, as-su’āl, sūrat taʻlīm al-mas’ala, al-munāğāt, at-tawfīḍ, al-ḥamd | ас-Саб‘ аль-мас̱а̄нӣ, Умм аль-Кита̄б, умм аль-К̣ур’а̄н, аль-Ва̄фийат̈, аль-Ка̄фийат̈, аль-Аса̄с, ан-Нӯр, аш-Шукр, аль-Х̣амд, ар-Рук̣йат̈, аш-Шифа̄’, аш-Ша̄фийат̈, ас̣-С̣аля̄т̈, ад-Ду‘а̄’, ас-Су’а̄ль, аль-Муна̄джат̈, ат-Таўфид̣, аль-Х̣амд |
| 2 | аль-Бак̣арат̈ | البقرة | Корова | سنام القرآن - فسطاط القرآن | fusṭāṭ sanām al-Qur’ān, al-firdaus | Фуст̣а̄т̣ сана̄м аль-К̣ур’а̄н / Алиф-лам-мим залика ль-Китабу… |
| 3 | А̄ль ‘Имра̄н | آل عمران | Семейство ‘Имрана | الزهراء / البقرة وآل عمران :الزهران / طيبة | ṭība | Т̣ӣбат̈ |
| 4 | ан-Ниса̄’ | النساء | Женщины | تسمى _النساء الكبرى لأن _الطلاق تسمى صورة النساء الصغرى . | sūrat an-nisā‘ al-kubra | ан-Ниса̄’ аль-кубра |
| 5 | аль-Ма̄’идат̈ | المائدة | Трапеза | العقود - المنقذة . | al-uqūd, al-munqiḏa, sūrat at-takmīl, sūrat al-aḥbār | аль-Ук̣уд, аль-Мункиз̱ат̈ |
| 6 | аль-Ан‘а̄м | الأنعام | Скот | الحجة . | ||
| 7 | аль-А‘ра̄ф | الأعراف | Преграды | _المبقات - _الميثاق | ṭūlā aṭ-ṭuwalain, alif-lām-mīm-ṣād | Алиф-Ля̄м-Мӣм-С̣а̄д |
| 8 | аль-Анфа̄ль | الأنفال | Добыча | _بدر | sūrat Badr, yas’alūnaka | Бадр |
| 9 | ат-Таўбат̈ | التوبة | Покаяние | _براءة - _العذاب - الفاضحة - المبعثرة - المقشقشة - البحوث - المثيرة - الحافرة - المخزية / المُنَقَّرَة | barā’a, al-fāḍiḥa, al-aḏāb, al-muqašqiša, al-munaqqira, al-baḥūṯ, al-ḥāfira, al-muṯīra, al-mub’aṯira, al-muḫziya, al-munakkila, al-mušarrida, al-mudamdima, al-musawwara | Бара̄’ат̈, аль-Фа̄д̣их̣ат̈, аль-Аз̱а̄б, аль-Мунак̣к̣ира, аль-Х̣а̄фӣрат̈, аль-Мус̱ӣрат̈, аль-Мудамдима, аль-Мушак̣шак̣ат̈, аль-Муба’с̱ират̈ |
| 10 | Йӯнус | يونس | Иона | at-tāsi’a | ат-Та̄си’а | |
| 11 | Хӯд | هود | Худ | |||
| 12 | Йӯсуф | يوسف | Иосиф | |||
| 13 | ар-Ра‘д | الرعد | Гром | |||
| 14 | Ибра̄хӣм | إبراهيم | Авраам | |||
| 15 | аль-Х̣иджр | الحجر | Мадаин-Салих | asmā al-Ḥiğr | Асма̄ аль-Х̣иджр | |
| 16 | ан-Нах̣ль | النحل | Пчёлы | _النعم | an-niʻam, atā amru llāh | ан-Ниʻам |
| 17 | аль-Исра̄’ | الإسراء | Ночной перенос | سورة سبحان / سورة بني إسرائيل | Banī Isrā’īl, subḥāna | Бану Исра̄’ӣль, Субх̣а̄н |
| 18 | аль-Кахф | الكهف | Пещера | _أصحاب الكهف / الحائلة | aṣḥāb al-kahf, al-ḥā’ila | Ас̣х̣а̄б аль-Кахф, аль-Х̣а’илят̈ |
| 19 | Марйам | مريم | Мария | _كهيعص | kāf-hā-yā-ain-ṣād | |
| 20 | Т̣а̄ Ха̄ | طه | Та Ха | _موسى - _الكليم . | al-kalīm, Mūsā | Мӯса̄, аль-Калӣм |
| 21 | аль-Анбийа̄’ | الأنبياء | Пророки | iqtaraba (li-n-nāsi ḥisābuhum) | ||
| 22 | аль-Х̣аджж | الحج | Паломничество | |||
| 23 | аль-Му’минӯн | المؤمنون | Верующие | qad aflaḥal mu’minūn | ||
| 24 | ан-Нӯр | النور | Свет | _الستر والعفاف . | ||
| 25 | аль-Фурк̣а̄н | الفرقان | Различение | tabāraka (llaḏi nazzala) l-furqān | Таба̄рака (лляз̱и наззаля) | |
| 26 | аш-Шу‘ара̄’ | الشعراء | Поэты | الجامعة | ṭā-sīn(-mīm) (aš-šu’arā), al-ğāmiʻa | Т̣а̄-сӣн-мӣм, аль-Джа̄ми‘ат̈ |
| 27 | ан-Намль | النمل | Муравьи | _سليمان | ṭā-sīn (an-naml/Sulaimān), Sulaimān | Т̣а̄-сӣн, Суляйма̄н |
| 28 | аль-К̣ас̣ас̣ | القصص | Повествование | ṭā-sīn-mīm (al-qasas) | ||
| 29 | аль-‘Анкабӯт | العنكبوت | Паук | |||
| 30 | ар-Рӯм | الروم | Pумы | alif-lām-mīm ġulibati r-Rūm | ||
| 31 | Лук̣ма̄н | لقمان | Лукман | al-qamar | ||
| 32 | ас-Садждат̈ | السجدة | Поклон | _المضاجع | alif-lām-mīm (tanzīl) (as-sağda), tanzīl as-sağda, al-maḍāği‘, al-ğuruz | Алиф-ля̄м-мӣм, аль-Мад̣а̄джиʻ |
| 33 | аль-Ах̣за̄б | الأحزاب | Сонмы | |||
| 34 | Саба’ | سبأ | Сава | |||
| 35 | Фа̄т̣ир | فاطر | Творец | الملائكة | al-ḥamdu li-llāhi fāṭir, al-malā’ika | аль-Маля̄’икат̈ |
| 36 | Йа̄ Сӣн | يس | Йа Син | قلب القرآن - _حبيب النجار - المعمة - الدافعة - القاضية | qalb al-Qur’ān, al-mu’imma, ad-dāfi’a, al-qāḍiya, yā-sīn wa-l-Qur’ān | К̣альб аль-К̣ур’а̄н, аль-Му‘иммат̈, ад-Да̄фи‘ат̈, аль-К̣а̄д̣ийат̈ |
| 37 | ас̣-С̣а̄ффа̄т | الصافات | Выстроившиеся в ряды | aḏ-ḏabīḥ | аз̱-З̱абӣх̣ | |
| 38 | С̣а̄д | ص | Сад | داود | ṣād wa-l-Qur’ān, Dāwūd (sūrat ṣād) | Да̄в̌ӯд |
| 39 | аз-Зумар | الزمر | Толпы | الغرف | ḥā-mīm/tanzīl az-zumar, al-ġuraf | аль-Гураф |
| 40 | Га̄фир | غافر | Прощающий | _المؤمن - _الطول - _حم الأول . | (ḥā-mīm) al-mu’min, aṭ-ṭaul | аль-Муʼмин, ат̣-Т̣ауль |
| 41 | Фус̣с̣илят | فصلت | Разъяснены | _حم السجدة - _المصابيح . | (ḥā-mīm) (as-sağda), al-maṣābīḥ | Х̣а̄-мӣм (ас-Садждат̈), аль-Мас̣а̄бӣх̣ |
| 42 | аш-Шӯра̄ | الشورى | Совет | _عسق . | ḥā-mīm (aš-šūrā/ain-sīn-qāf), ain-sīn-qāf | Х̣а̄-мӣм ‘айн-сӣн-к̣а̄ф |
| 43 | аз-Зух̮руф | الزخرف | Украшения | ḥā-mīm az-zuḫruf | Х̣а̄-мӣм аз-зух̮руф | |
| 44 | ад-Дух̮а̄н | الدخان | Дым | hā-mīm ad-duḫān | Х̣а̄-мӣм ад-дух̮а̄н | |
| 45 | аль-Джа̄с̱ийат̈ | الجاثية | Коленопреклонённые | _الشريعة - _الدهر . | ḥā-mīm al-ğāsiya/aš-šarī’a/tanzīl, aš-šarī’a, ad-dahr | а-Шарӣ‘ат̈, ад-Дахр |
| 46 | аль-Ах̣к̣а̄ф | الأحقاف | Барханы | ḥā-mīm al-Aḥqāf | Х̣а̄-мӣм аль-Ах̣к̣а̄ф | |
| 47 | Мух̣аммад | محمد | Мухаммад | القتال | al-qitāl, allaḏīna kafarū | аль-Кита̄ль, Алляз̱ӣна кафарӯ |
| 48 | аль-Фатх̣ | الفتح | Победа | innā fataḥna (laka) | Инна̄ фатах̣на (ляка) | |
| 49 | аль-Х̣уджура̄т | الحجرات | Покои | |||
| 50 | К̣а̄ф | ق | Каф | الباسقات | qāf wa-l-Qur’ān (il-mağīd), al-mağīd, al-bāsiqāt | К̣аф ва-ль-К̣ур’а̄н (аль-маджӣд), аль-Маджӣд, аль-Ба̄сик̣а̄т |
| 51 | аз̱-З̱а̄рийа̄т | الذاريات | Рассеивающие | |||
| 52 | ат̣-Т̣ӯр | الطور | Гора | |||
| 53 | ан-Наджм | النجم | Звезда | wa-n-nağmi iḏā hawā | Ва-н-наджми из̱а̄ хава̄ | |
| 54 | аль-К̣амар | القمر | Месяц | iqtarabat (is-sā’atu) (wa-n-šaqqa l-qamar), al-mubayyiḍa | Ик̣тарабат (ас-са̄’ату), аль-Мубаййиз̱а | |
| 55 | ар-Рах̣ма̄н | الرحمن | Милосердный | عروس القرآن . | arūs al-Qur’ān | |
| 56 | аль-В̌а̄к̣и‘ат̈ | الواقعة | Событие | iḏā waqaʻat (il-wāqiʻa) | ||
| 57 | аль-Х̣адӣд | الحديد | Железо | |||
| 58 | аль-Муджа̄дилят̈ | المجادلة | Препирающаяся | al-muǧādila, aẓ-ẓiḥār | аз̣-З̣иха̄р | |
| 59 | аль-Х̣ашр | الحشر | Собрание | بني النضير | Banū Nāḍīr | Банӯ На̄д̣ӣр |
| 60 | аль-Мумтах̣анат̈ | الممتحنة | Испытуемая | الامتحان / المرأة / المودة | al-imtiḥān, al-mawadda, al-mar’a | аль-Имтих̣а̄н, аль-Маваддат̈, аль-Мар’ат̈ |
| 61 | ас̣-С̣афф | الصف | Ряды | الحواريين | (sabbiḥi) l-hawārīyīn | аль-Х̣ава̄рӣйӣн |
| 62 | аль-Джуму‘ат̈ | الجمعة | День пятничной молитвы | |||
| 63 | аль-Муна̄фик̣ӯн | المنافقون | Лицемеры | iḏā ǧā’aka al-munafiqūn, munāfiqīn | ||
| 64 | ат-Тага̄бун | التغابن | Раскрытие самообмана | |||
| 65 | ат̣-Т̣аля̄к̣ | الطلاق | Развод | النساء الصغرى . | yā ayyuhā n-nabiyyu iḏā ṭallaqtumu n-nisā’, an-nabī, sūrat an-nisā’ al-quṣrā/as-suġrā | ан-Ниса̄’ аль-к̣ус̣ра̄/ас-сугра̄ |
| 66 | ат-Тах̣рӣм | التحريم | Запрещение | المحرم - _لم تحرم | an-nabī, (yā ayyuhā n-nabīyu) li-mā tuḥarrimu, al-mutaḥarrim, nisā’ an-nabī | Йа аййуха̄ н-наби, Ниса̄’ ан-набӣ |
| 67 | аль-Мульк | الملك | Власть | المانعة - المنجية - المجادلة - الدافعة - الشافعة - المخلصة/ سورة التبارك | tabāraka (allaḏī bi-yadihī) (l-mulk), al-māniʻa, al-mannā‘a, al-munaǧǧiya, al-munǧiya, al-muğādila, al-wāqiya, al-malik | Таба̄рака (алляз̱ӣ би-йадихӣ), аль-Мунджжийат̈, аль-Ва̄к̣ийа, аль-Ма̄ни‘ат̈ |
| 68 | аль-К̣алям | القلم | Тростниковое перо | _ن | nūn (wa-l-qalam | Нун (ва-ль-к̣алям) |
| 69 | аль-Х̣а̄к̣к̣ат̈ | الحاقة | Судный день | السلسلة | ||
| 70 | аль-Ма‘а̄ридж | المعارج | Ступени | _سأل سائل - _الواقع - _ذي المعارج | ḏī l-maʻāriğ, sa’ala (sā’il), al-wāqi‘ | са’аля (са̄’иль), аль-Ва̄к̣и‘, З̱ӣ аль-ма‘а̄ридж |
| 71 | Нӯх̣ | نوح | Ной | innā arsalnā (Nūḥan) | ||
| 72 | аль-Джинн | الجن | Джинны | (qul) ūḥiya (ilayya) | ||
| 73 | аль-Муззаммиль | المزمل | Закутавшийся | ya ayyuhā l-muzzammil | Йа аййуха̄ ль-музаммиль | |
| 74 | аль-Муддас̱с̱ир | المدثر | Завернувшийся | yā ayyuhā l-muddaṯṯir | Йа аййуха̄ ль-мудас̱с̱ир | |
| 75 | аль-К̣ийа̄мат̈ | القيامة | Воскресение | lā uqsimu bi-yaumi l-qiyāma | ||
| 76 | аль-Инса̄н | الإنسان | Человек | هل أتى . | hal atā (alā l-insāni) (ḥīnun min ad-dahr), ad-dahr | Халь ата̄ (аля̄ ль-инса̄ни), ад-Дахр |
| 77 | аль-Мурсаля̄т | المرسلات | Посылаемые | wa-r-mursalāti urfan | ||
| 78 | ан-Наба’ | النبأ | Весть | _عم - _النبأ - _المعصرات . | amma (yatasā’alūna), at-tasā’ul, al-mu‘ṣirāt | ‘Амма (йатаса̄ʼалю̄на), ат-Таса̄’уль, аль-Муʻс̣ира̄т |
| 79 | ан-На̄зи‘а̄т | النازعات | Вырывающие | الساهرة - الطامة . | ||
| 80 | ‘Абаса | عبس | Нахмурился | ʻabasa wa-tawallā | ||
| 81 | ат-Такв̌ӣр | التكوير | Скручивание | كورت | (iḏā aš-šamsu) (quwwirat) | Кувират |
| 82 | аль-Инфит̣а̄р | الانفطار | Раскалывание | انفطرت | iḏā s-samā’u nfaṭarat, infaṭarat | Инфат̣арат |
| 83 | аль-Мут̣аффифӯн | المطففون | Обвешивающие | wailun li-l-muṭaffifīn, at-taṭfīf | ат-Тат̣фӣф | |
| 84 | аль-Иншик̣а̄к̣ | الانشقاق | Разверзнётся | انشقت | iḏā s-samā’u n-šaqqat, inšaqqat | Иншак̣к̣ат |
| 85 | аль-Бурӯдж | البروج | Созвездия | as-samā ḏāt al-burūğ | ||
| 86 | ат̣-Т̣а̄рик̣ | الطارق | Ночной путник | as-samā wa-ṭ-ṭāriq | ||
| 87 | аль-А‘ля̄ | الأعلى | Высочайший | sabbiḥi (sma rabbika) (l-aʻlā) | ||
| 88 | аль-Га̄шийат̈ | الغاشية | Покрывающее | hal atāka (ḥadīṯu l-ġāšiya) | Халь ата̄ка | |
| 89 | аль-Фаджр | الفجر | Заря | |||
| 90 | аль-Баляд | البلد | Город | العقبة | lā uqsimu (bi-hāḏā l-balad) | |
| 91 | аш-Шамс | الشمس | Солнце | aš-šams (wa-duḥāhā) | ||
| 92 | аль-Ляйль | الليل | Ночь | al-lail (iḏā yaġšā) | ||
| 93 | ад̣-Д̣ух̣а̄ | الضحى | Утро | wa-d-duḥā (wa-l-lail) | ||
| 94 | аш-Шарх̣ | الشرح | Раскрытие | a-lam našraḥ (laka) (sadrak) inširāḥ | А-лям нашрах̣ (ляка садрак), Иншира̄х̣ | |
| 95 | ат-Тӣн | التين | Смоковница | (at-tīn) (wa-z-zaitūn) | ат-Тӣн ва-з-зайтӯн | |
| 96 | аль-‘Аляк̣ | العلق | Сгусток | iqra (bi-smi) (rabbika) (llaḏī ḫalaq), qalam | Икраʼ (би-сми Раббика лляз̱ӣ х̮аляк̣) | |
| 97 | аль-К̣адр | القدر | Предопределение | innā anzalnāhu (fī lailati l-qadr) | Инна̄ анзальна̄ху (фӣ ляйляти ль-к̣адр) | |
| 98 | аль-Баййинат̈ | البينة | Ясное знамение | _أهل الكتاب - _المنفكين - _القيمة . | lam yakun(i llaḏīna) (kafarū) (min ahli l-kitāb), ahl al-kitāb, al-infikāk, al-qayyima, al-barīya, al-qiyāma | Лам йакун (алляз̱ӣна кафарӯ мин ахли ль-кита̄б), Ахль аль-кита̄б, аль-Киййамат̈, аль-Барӣйа |
| 99 | аз-Зальзалят̈ | الزلزلة | Землетрясение | iḏā zulzilati (l-arḍu zilzālahā), az-zilzāl | ||
| 100 | аль-‘А̄дийа̄т | العاديات | Скачущие | wa-l-ādiyāti (subḥan) | ||
| 101 | аль-К̣а̄ри‘ат̈ | القارعة | Сокрушающая беда | |||
| 102 | ат-Така̄с̱ур | التكاثر | Приумножение | al-hākumu (t-takāṯur) | ||
| 103 | аль-‘Ас̣р | العصر | Предвечернее время | |||
| 104 | аль-Хумазат̈ | الهمزة | Хулитель | الحطمة | wailun li-kulli humaza, humaza, al-lumaz | аль-Люмаз |
| 105 | аль-Фӣль | الفيل | Слон | a-lam (tara) (kaifa) (fa’ala) (rabbuka) (bi-aṣḥābi l-fīl), aṣḥāb al-fīl | А-лям (тара кайфа) | |
| 106 | К̣урайш | قريش | Куpaйшиты | li-īlāfi (Quraiš), šitā’ | Ли-ӣля̄фи | |
| 107 | аль-Ма̄‘ӯн | الماعون | Милостыня | a-rai’ta (allaḏī) (yukaḏḏibu), ad-dīn | А-ра’айта (лляз̱ӣ йуказ̱з̱ибу), ад-Дӣн | |
| 108 | аль-Каўс̱ар | الكوثر | Обильный | innā aʻṭainaka (l-kauṯar) | ||
| 109 | аль-Ка̄фирӯн | الكافرون | Неверующие | العبادة - _الدين - المقشقشة | (qul) yā ayyuhā l-kāfirūn, al-ibāda, al-muqašqiša, al-kāfirīn | ‘Иба̄дат̈, аль-Мук̣ашк̣ишат̈ |
| 110 | ан-Нас̣р | النصر | Помощь | التوديع | iḏā ğā’a (naṣru llāhi) (wa-l-fatḥ), naṣru llāh, al-fatḥ, at-taudī | ат-Таўдӣ‘ |
| 111 | аль-Масад | المسد | Пальмовые волокна | _أبي لهب - _تبت . | -tabbat (yadā Abī Lahabin) (wa-tabba), (Abī) Lahab, al-Ḥaṭab | Таббат (йада̄ Абӣ Ляхабин ва-табба), (Абу) Ляхаб, аль-Х̣ат̣аб |
| 112 | аль-Их̮ля̄с̣ | الإخلاص | Очищение веры | _التفريد - _التوحيد - _التجريد - _النجاة - _الولاية - _المعرفة - _الجمال - _الصمد - المعوذة - الأساس - المانعة - المخضيرة - المنقرة - البراءة - المذكرة - الشافية - النور . | (qul) huwa llāhū aḥad, aṣ-ṣamad, at-tauḥīd, al-asās | (К̣уль) Хува Лла̄ху Ах̣ад, ас̣-С̣амад, ат-Таух̣ӣд, аль-Аса̄с, ат-Тафрӣд, ат-Таджрӣд, аль-Виля̄йат̈, аль-Маʻрифат̈, аль-Джама̄ль, ан-Наджа̄т̈, аль-Ма̄ниʻат̈, аль-Бара’ат̈, ан-Нӯр |
| 113 | аль-Фаляк̣ | الفلق | Рассвет | الفلق والناس : المعوذتان . | qul auḏū bi-rabbi l-falaq | (К̣уль) а‘уз̱ӯ би-Рабби ль-фаляк̣ |
| 114 | ан-На̄с | الناس | Люди | المعوذتين | (qul) auḏū bi-rabbi n-nās аль-Му‘аввизатайн | (К̣уль) а‘уз̱ӯ би-Рабби н-на̄с |
Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān / Sūra(s)
- Article Table of Contents
- Early Meccan sūras
- Qurʾānic texts and liturgy
- Later Meccan surās
- Salvation history
- Types of Medinan sūras
- Sūra — parashah — perikope
- Bibliography
A literary unit of undetermined length within the Qurʾān, often translated as “chapter.” In the printed editions of the Qurʾān, but not in the earliest manuscripts (see manuscripts of the qurʾān), it is marked as such by a title section that provides the name of the sūra, followed by a number that defines its place in the sequence of the 114 sūras of the entire corpus. Sūra names are not abbreviations of the content but “catchwords,” taking up a particular lexeme from the text that is either a rare word in the Qurʾān (e.g. q 80, Sūrat ʿAbasa, “He Frowned”) and thus easy to remember, or a major issue discussed in the sūra (e.g. q 4, Sūrat al-Nisāʾ, “The Women”), or, occasionally, the initial word of the sūra. There is no complete agreement about the names of the sūras, some sūras being known under more than one title. Whereas the naming and the ordering of the sūras are later textual adjustments (see muṣḥaf; codices of the qurʾān), the arrangement of the text as a sequence of sūras goes back to the redaction of the Qurʾān itself, which tradition dates to the reign of the third caliph ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān (r. 23-35/644-56). Although that dating is not confirmed by external evidence, the redaction and official publication should have taken place some time before the Umayyad caliph (q.v.) ʿAbd al-Malik's reign (65-86/685-705), since it is attested among scholars of his time (see Hamdan, al-Ḥasan al-Baṣrī). Inasmuch as the somewhat mechanical arrangement of the sūras according to their length does not betray a particular historical or theological interest on the part of the redactors, but rather an awareness of the already achieved canonical status, the sūras as units should go back to a very early time (see form and structure of the qurʾān). ¶ There is also no substantial contrary evidence to be gleaned from the findings of Qurʾān fragments at Ṣanʿāʾ, Yemen, whose analysis still awaits publication (Puin, Observations; but cf. ibid., 111 for the variations from the ʿUthmānic codex found in some of these fragments). Although there are no complete copies preserved, folios with overlapping sūra texts confirm the traditional sequence.
Etymologically, the term sūra is difficult to trace (see Jeffery, For. vocab.), but may have been derived from Hebrew shūrah, “line,” as well as from Syriac shūrayā, “beginning,” or short psalms that are sung before the reading of scripture. None of these etymologies, however, is totally convincing. In Arabic, the word makes its first appearance in the Qurʾān itself.
The word sūra is used ten times in the Qurʾān, all of which being rather late (see chronology and the qurʾān): The oldest evidence is q 10:38, “Say, ‘Bring a sūra like it and [for assistance] call upon whom you can besides God’” (qul faʾtū bi-sūratin mithlihi wa-dʿū mani staṭaʿtum min dūni llāhi), a verse belonging to the so-called taḥaddī-verses (see Radscheit, Die taḥaddī-Verse), i.e. the polemic discourse about the inimitability (q.v.) of qurʾānic speech (see also word of god; provocation; createdness of the qurʾān). The term “sūra” is part of that debate, and it reappears in q 11:13 and q 2:23. “Sūra” is employed in more general contexts to cover an unspecified text unit of the revelation (see revelation and inspiration), mostly in polemical contexts (like q 9:64, 86, 124; see polemic and polemical language). It is only used once — in place of the more usual kitāb (see book) — in a hymnal annunciation of a revealed text to be communicated ( q 24:1). ¶
Thus, sūra certainly has to do with “text,” but not necessarily with a written text (see orality and writing in arabia). It seems to denote a recited text, more precisely, the quantity that is presented in public on a single occasion (see recitation of the qurʾān). It is, however, highly questionable if the term sūra was used during the Prophet's lifetime to denote the “chapters” of the Qurʾān in general which were only later designated as sūras.
It appears that the sūra in the qurʾānic context fulfills, to some degree, the function of textual subdivisions familiar from Judaism and Christianity (see below; see scripture and the qurʾān; jews and judaism; christians and christianity). But, whereas the canonical texts in those traditions have been subdivided for liturgical use only after the completion and canonization of the textual corpus, the arrangement of the qurʾānic text grosso modo seems to go back to the oral use of the text in the earliest community, a practice that preceded its codification as a whole (see orality). A number of sūras display the character of intended literary units, composed as such for recitation; others seem to have been extended with repeated use; others again appear as collections of text units rather unrelated to each other that may not have had a Sitz im Leben in oral transmission. This complex problem still awaits evaluation. The sūra as an entity with a coherent unity has not yet been adequately studied (see literary structures of the qurʾān), although there have been, more recently, new approaches, often focusing on q 12, Sūrat Yūsuf (“Joseph”; see Mir, Coherence; id., The sūra as a unity; id., The qurʾānic story of Joseph; Neuwirth, Zur Struktur; De Premare, Joseph et Muḥammad; Sells, Approaching the Qurʾān; id., Literary approach; Waldman, New approaches; see also joseph; narratives). ¶
In the following, an attempt will be made to trace the development of the sūra from early Meccan, to later Meccan and then to Medinan times (see mecca; medina; language and style of the qurʾān). Finally, a brief comparison to sections in other scriptures will be undertaken.
- Early Meccan sūras
To embark on an analysis of the sūra as a literary form we must first define our stance vis-à-vis the Qurʾān as our textual basis. It is one task to discuss the sūra as a fixed textual unit within the transmitted text and an entirely different task to discuss it in its earlier function as an oral communication whose context was not the entire corpus of the Qurʾān but rather single, earlier qurʾānic communications (see occasions of revelation) and — perhaps more importantly — individual religious debates (see debate and disputation) that must have taken place among the early followers of Muḥammad and their neighbors in their particular cultural milieu, Mecca and Medina. Revisionist scholarship has ruled out the possibility of exploring the situation of the first communications of qurʾānic texts, which are indeed impossible to re-construct in full (see post-enlightenment academic study of the qurʾān). Still, to confine the analysis to the canonical shape of the Qurʾān, neglecting both its complex referentialities and its hints to the Sitz im Leben of particular text units, would render an insufficient reading. What qurʾānic scholarship still must do is consider systematically both intra-qurʾānic and extra-qurʾānic evidence on the religious situation at the time of the Prophet. Not least the largely blank map of the religious setting of central Arabia has made revisionist scholars look for a different milieu for the genesis of the Qurʾān, jumping over, however, the necessary step of a micro-structural reading of the Qurʾān itself. In what follows, a sketch of the pre-canonical development of the sūra as a literary genre will be attempted. ¶
The earliest sūras must have been those that made use of the particular style related to the pre-Islamic kāhin, a soothsayer (q.v.) or seer, who claimed super-human origin for his enunciations. This literary form is known as sajʿ, and it consists of short syntactical units marked by an expressive rhyme, often ultima-stressed (see rhymed prose). This pattern of phonetic correspondence between the verse endings ( fāṣila) is not only more loose than the poetic rhyme ( qāfiya), but is also more flexible, thus allowing semantically related verses to be bracketed by a rhyme of their own and marked off by clearly distinct verse-groups (see verses). The highly sophisticated phonetic structures produced by this style have been evaluated by Michael Sells (Approaching the Qurʾān). Among these earliest sūras should be counted the following, which are cited in an order that roughly follows the textual chronology: q 111, 99-108, 77-97, 73-5, 68-70, 55-6, 51-3. As against those sūras that remain close to the kāhinspeech model attesting the speaker's ecstatic disposition (e.g. q 111, 101, 100, 99, 84, 82, 81, 79, 77, etc.), there are other early sūras that in their quiet and solemn mood ( q 95, 94, 93, 87, 74, 73, etc.) remind one of Christian hymns or adaptations of psalms (q.v.) rather than of a pagan ritual such as the performance of the kāhin (see also polytheism and atheism; idolatry and idolaters). What they still have in common is the shortness of the verses, which do not exceed one syntactically complete sentence. In those sūras that remind one of the pagan model, the expression itself is often enigmatic, thus stressing the strangeness that adheres to a super-human communication. ¶ A striking characteristic of this style is the use of oaths (q.v.) and oath-clusters (see Neuwirth, Images and also form and structure of the qurʾān), conjuring heavenly bodies (see planets and stars; sun; moon), thunderstorms (see weather ) and bands of inimical raiders, all of which are phenomena pertaining to the imagination of desert-dwellers rather than to the stock of images in the monotheistic tradition (see nomads; bedouin; desert; city; nature as signs).
There are equally less menacing oaths that conjure sacred places — including monotheistic shrines — and sacred times, times of the day (see day, times of) that have been known as times of prayer (q.v.) in pre-Islamic times (see Neuwirth, Images and metaphors; see also time; sacred precincts; sacred and profane). These texts document a merger between a “pagan” form and a biblically inspired content. Sūras introduced by oath clusters, thus, are not necessarily imprinted by pagan thinking. On the contrary, the oath-cluster — a very dense and rhythmically dynamic section — is sometimes used to convey the urgency, the threatening closeness of the catastrophe that is the only thing that matters in the monotheistic context: the day of judgment (see last judgment; apocalypse). The clusters here serve as a sign of alarm transposed into the language of the standard Arabian warners (see warner ), the soothsayers. A comparable re-interpretation of pre-Islamic lore is observable with the other oath-clusters: “pagan” sacred times become ritually occupied by monotheistic cultic acts, a development that is mirrored in the text where praises and prayers continue the oath-cluster (see praise; laudation; pre-islamic arabia and the qurʾān). Moreover, many early sūras are replete with hymnal elements that are standard expressions in Christian and Jewish worship (q.v.; see Baumstark, Jüdischer Gebetstypus; Speyer, Erzählungen). ¶ The assumption of a strong Christian presence in Mecca and an equally strong Jewish one in its vicinity, at least since the emigration (q.v.; hijra), and the familiarity of the Prophet and his followers with Christian and Jewish pious texts of worship, are indispensable for the understanding of the early sūras. “Paganism” in the Qurʾān has to be understood not as a fixed system of beliefs but as the larger common denominator of a multiple and unstable set of elements, already strongly imbued with monotheist notions.
- Qurʾānic texts and liturgy
Whereas the imperative to worship is always there ( q 96:1: “recite in the name of your lord who created” [ iqraʾ bi-smi rabbika lladhī khalaq]; q 87:1: “glorify the name of your lord the most high” [sabbiḥi sma rabbika l-aʿlā]; q 96:19: “and bow down and bring yourself closer” [wa-sjud wa-qtarib]; q 73:2-4: “stand [for prayer] much of the night… and recite the Qurʾān” [qumi l-layla illā qalīlan… wa-rattili l-qurʾāna tartīlan]) and God is always mentioned (in the wording “your lord [q.v.],” rabbuka), many texts do not seem to be, first and foremost, addressed to the Prophet, but could equally be addressed to the believer. This is a way of expression familiar from the Psalms where the first-person speaker is not necessarily the author of the psalm (see belief and unbelief; faith). It is thus difficult to decide if a sūra like q 93 is a reflex of the Prophet's biography or not (see sīra and the qurʾān ). There is an unambiguous paraphrase of a psalm (136) in q 55, which, however, replaces the memory of salvation (q.v.) history with a focus on the eschatological future (Neuwirth, Qurʾānic literary structure; see eschatology). ¶ Still, the view, first presented by Lüling (Urtext), later in a cruder form by Luxenberg (Die syro-aramäischeLesart) and taken into consideration again by Böwering (see chronology and the qurʾān) that an existing Christian text may underlie some qurʾānic sections, appears to be merely a hypothesis. The familiar formulas do not make up entire sections or strophes — as Lüling would have it — but are embedded in exhortative (see exhortations) or polemical contexts, that, in the early sūras, contrary to the later ones, frequently take the shape of projections of the scenario of the Qurʾān recitation itself, e.g. q 53:59f.: “Do you wonder at this speech, will you laugh and not weep?… Bow down to God and adore [him]” (a-fa-min hādha l-ḥadīthi taʿjabun wa-taḍḥakūna wa-lā tabkūn… fa-sjudū lillāhi wa-ʿbudū). Particularly the cultic framework in which the Qurʾān was recited seems to have met opposition: q 77:48-50: “and when it was said to them, ‘Prostrate!,’ they did not do so… and what speech after that will they believe?” (wa-idhā qīla lahumu rkaʿū lā yarkaʿūn… fa-bi-ayyi ḥadīthin baʿdahu yuʾminūn); q 107:4-5: “and woe to the worshipers who neglect their prayers” (fa-waylun lil-muṣallīn alladhīna hum ʿan ṣalātihim sāhūn); q 96:9-10: “have you seen the one who prevents the servant from praying” (a-raʾayta lladhī yanhā ʿabdan idhā ṣallā; cf. q 74:43; 75:31; see Neuwirth, Rezitationstext). The missing reference to the persona of the Prophet as the transmitter in early texts may be due to the still undeveloped consciousness of the speaker's own part in the communication.
There are at the same time unequivocal addresses to the Prophet, like q 74:2 f.: “Arise and warn and magnify your lord” (qum fa-andhir wa-rabbaka fa-kabbir), and his figure gradually becomes prominent in the sūras. ¶ Many early sūras end with an exhortation to the Prophet to worship God either in vigils ( q 52:48-9: “and glorify the praise of your lord as you stand and glorify him part of the night and at the setting of the stars” [wa- sabbiḥ bi-ḥamdi rabbika ḥīna taqūm wa-mina l-layli fa-sabbiḥhu wa-idbāra l-nujūm]; see vigil ) or to praise him ( q 56:96: “and glorify in the name of your lord the mighty” [fa-sabbiḥ bi-smi rabbika l-ʿaẓīm]; q 93:11: “and speak of the bounty of your lord” [wa-ammā bi-niʿmati rabbika fa-ḥaddith]; q 108:2: “and pray to your lord and sacrifice” [fa-ṣalli li-rabbika wa-nḥar]). Sometimes he is admonished to worship at the very beginning of a sūra ( q 74:1 f.: “O enshrouded one, arise and warn and magnify your lord” [yā ayyuhā l-muddaththir qum fa-andhir wa-rabbaka fa-kabbir]). It appears that the early recitation took place in the framework of already existing rituals (see ritual and the qurʾān), ṣalāt, made up of rukūʿ and sajda (see bowing and prostration), being evidently already a rite celebrated in Mecca before Muḥammad's mission ( q 53:62; 77:48). These may have taken place in privately held vigils as well as publicly performed rituals.
There is, then, an obvious convergence of the early qurʾānic text to liturgy. Some sūras sound like calls for repentance (see repentance and penance) in the face of the imminent coming of the day of judgment. This event is the topic of a number of sūras and is extensively elaborated: The catastrophic events that precede the judgment (q.v.) fill large sections of the early sūras, although the scene of judgment is less clearly described. The retribution — either in punishment by fire (q.v.) or in the admittance to lofty gardens (see garden) — is of special interest (see reward and punishment). Indeed, the entire corpus of early texts pursue one task: to convince the listeners of the omnipresence of God (see god and his attributes) and thus of the moral responsibility (q.v.) to which they will be held on the last day (see also freedom and predestination). ¶ As with the Psalms, the theme of God's generosity and philanthropic concern enhances his claim to human gratitude (see gratitude and ingratitude). Also as in the Psalms, events from salvation history are recalled: in q 51 the story of Abraham (q.v.; Ibrāhīm) and Lot (q.v.; Lūṭ), and in q 79 the story of Moses (q.v.; Mūsā) and Pharaoh (q.v.; Firʿawn). Both are presented as an exhortation ( ʿibra; cf. q 79:26) — and dramatize the divine punishment for transgressors (see sin, major and minor; boundaries and precepts). Pharaoh's behavior clearly reflects that of the unbelievers, and his punishment is equally historical and eschatological (see chastisement and punishment; hell and hellfire).
The Qurʾān developed diverse motifs and structures not known from earlier Arabic literature (see form and structure of the qurʾān). Beside the eschatological prophecies (see prophets and prophethood; foretelling) that abound in early Meccan sūras, the so-called āyāt, “signs” (q.v.; see also verses), are also prominent. Several descriptions of the “biosphere,” of copious vegetation, fauna, an agreeable habitat for humans, the natural resources at their disposal, and the like, are incorporated into paraenetic appeals to recognize divine providence and accept divine omnipotence since all these benefits are signs(āyāt) bearing a coded message (see agriculture and vegetation; grace; blessing). Properly decoded, they will evoke gratitude and submission to the divine will. The perception of nature, which in pre-Islamic poetry (see poetry and poets) appears alien and threatening, provoking the poet's heroic defiance of its roughness, has crystallized in the Qurʾān into the image of a meaningfully organized habitat ensuring human welfare and arousing the awareness of belonging (see geography). ¶
“Signs” ( āyāt) of divine omnipotence may also manifest themselves in history. Whereas extended narratives are prevalent in later Meccan texts, very short narratives — an invasion of Mecca ( q 105) repelled by divine intervention (see people of the elephant), the Thamūd (q.v.) myth about a divine punishment of disbelievers ( q 91:11-15; see punishment stories), the story of Pharaoh and Moses ( q 79:15-26) — or ensembles of narratives like that in q 51 including Abraham and Lot, Moses and Pharaoh, the ʿĀd (q.v.), the Thamūd, and Noah (q.v.; Nūḥ) — or evocations of stories ( q 52, 53, 69), occur from the earliest sūras onward. The latter sometimes form lists ( q 89). Somewhat longer narratives are introduced by the formula known from āyāt on nature, “have you not seen” (a-lam tara…), later “and when…” (wa-idh [ faʿala]…), i.e. they are assumed to be known to the listeners. It is noteworthy that the longer narratives from early Meccan texts onward are split into equal halves, thus producing proportionate structures ( q 51:24-37; 79:15-26; 68:17-34). Narratives then develop into retribution legends or punishment stories, serving to prove that divine justice (see justice and injustice) is at work in history, the harassed just being rewarded with salvation, the transgressors and the unbelievers punished by annihilation. At the same time, legends that are located in the Arabian peninsula may be read as reinterpretations of ancient Arabian representations of deserted space. Sites no longer lie in ruins due to preordained natural processes, but because of an equilibrium, maintained by divine providence, that balances between human actions and human welfare. Deserted sites thus acquire a meaning; they carry a divine message (see generations; geography). ¶
From the middle Meccan sūras onward, polemical and apologetic sections (see apologetics) still do not refer to theoretical, let alone dogmatic, issues in the early sūras. In these middle Meccan texts, polemical utterances are more often than not directed against listeners who do not comply with the exigencies of the behavioral norms of the cult. These listeners are reprimanded by the speaker in situ ( q 53:59 f.). Sometimes curses are uttered against absent persons ( q 111:1 f.) or against humankind in general ( q 80:17; see curse). In other cases menaces are directed at the ungrateful or pretentious ( q 114:1; see arrogance; insolence and obstinacy), and these may merge into a catalogue of vices ( q 107:2-7; see virtues and vices, commanding and forbidding). Whereas in most of the early cases the adversaries are not granted an opportunity to reply, later sūras do present the voices of both sides.
- Later Meccan surās
Sūras introduced by oath-clusters — the most graphic reference to the kāhinspeech model — are no longer present once the sūra becomes complex and polythematic. A turn in paradigm occurs with q 15, a text that triumphantly declares the achievement of another qurʾānic text: Sūrat al-Fātiḥa (“The Opening,” q 1; see Neuwirth, Referentiality; id., Sūrat al-Fātiḥa; see fātiḣa). Here, for the first time, an allusion is made to the existence of a particular form of service in which scripture functions as the cardinal section. In such sūras, the references to the Meccan sanctuary ( ḥaram) as the central warrant for the social coherence of the community have been replaced by new symbols. Instead of introductory allusions to liturgical times and sacred space we encounter an evocation of the book, be it clad in an oath ( q 36:2; 37:3; 38:1; 43:2; 44:2; 50:1) or in a deictic affirmation of its presence ( q 2:2; 10:1; 12:1; 13:1, etc.). ¶
Moreover, a new framework of the message in terms of space is recognizable. Later Meccan sūras broaden the scope of space for the listeners, who are transported from their local surroundings to a distant landscape, the holy land, familiar as the setting where the history of the community's spiritual forebears took place. The introduction of the direction of prayer towards Jerusalem (q.v.), the “first qibla (q.v.),” is an unequivocal testimony of this change in orientation (see Neuwirth, Spiritual Meaning). The innovation is reflected in q 17. In view of the increasing interest in the biblical heritage, it comes as no surprise that the bulk of the middle and late Meccan sūras seem to mirror a monotheistic worship service, starting with an initial dialogical section (apologetic, polemic, paraenetic) and closing with a related section, most frequently an affirmation of the revelation. These framing sections have been compared to the ecclesiastic ecteniae, i.e. initial and concluding responsoria recited by the priest or deacon and responded to by the community. The center of the monotheistic worship service and, similarly, of the fully developed sūra of the middle and late Meccan period is occupied by a biblical reminiscence — in the case of the service, a lectio, and in the case of the sūra, a narrative focusing on biblical protagonists. Ritual coherence has thus given way to scriptural coherence, with the more complex later sūras referring to scripture both by their transmission of scriptural texts and by their being themselves dependent on the mnemonic-technicalities of writing for their conservation. It is true, however, that already in later Meccan sūras the distinct tripartite composition often becomes blurred, with narratives gradually being replaced by discursive sections. Many compositions also display secondary expansions — a phenomenon that still requires further investigation. Yet, for the bulk of the middle and late Meccan sūras, the claim of a tripartite composition is sustainable (see Neuwirth, Vom Rezitationstext. ¶
- Salvation history
The Qurʾān is often criticized for lacking a chronological framework for the events of pre-qurʾānic history and for the repetitiveness of its narrative. While this accusation may hold true for the earliest qurʾānic discourse, that of eschatology, the situation changes substantially when a new paradigm is adopted. This new paradigm switches the focus from the deserted sites of the real homeland to the orbit of the messengers of the People of the Book (q.v.), whose discourse as intermediaries between God and man is much more sophisticated (see messenger; heavenly book; preserved tablet).
Although initially embedded in catalogues of narratives of a partly extra-biblical tradition, stories about major biblical figures like Moses and a number of patriarchs known from the Book of Genesis gradually acquire a function of their own. They become the stock inventory of the central part of the longer Meccan sūras and only rarely do they appear in other positions. As mentioned earlier, sūras from the second Meccan period onward often form an ensemble that mirrors the enactment of a monotheistic service where the central position is occupied by the reading of scriptural texts. These sections are often explicitly related to a divine source labeled kitāb. In the qurʾānic context, they are embedded in a more extensive recital, whose initiatory and concluding sections may contain liturgical but also less universal elements such as debates about ephemeral community issues. ¶ The ceremonial function of the biblically inspired narrative as a festive presentation of the book is underlined by introductory formulas ( q 19:16: “and mention Mary in the book” [wa-dhkur fī l- kitābi maryam]). At a later stage, when the particular form of the revelation communicated to the Muslim community is regarded as a virtual scripture of its own, i.e. when community matters are acknowledged as part of salvation history, whole sūras figure as manifestations of al-kitāb.
The phenomenon of recurring narratives in the Qurʾān, retold in slightly diverging fashions, has often been interpreted as mere repetitions, i.e. as a deficiency of the Qurʾān. They deserve, however, to be studied as testimonies of the consecutive emergence of a community and thus reflective of the process of canonization. They point to a progressively changing narrative pact, to a continuing education of the listeners, and to the development of a moral consensus that is reflected in the texts. In later Meccan and Medinan sūras, when a large number of narratives are presupposed as being well known to the listeners, the position previously occupied by salvation history narratives is replaced by mere evocations of narratives and debates about them.
As was mentioned above, the early — and densely structured — parts of the Qurʾān reflect an ancient Arabic linguistic ductus, termed sajʿ, a prose style marked by very short and concise sentences with frequently changing patterns of particularly clear-cut, often phonetically expressive rhymes. Once this style has, in the later sūras, given way to a more loose flow of prose, with verses often exceeding one complete sentence, the rhyme end takes the form of a simple -ūn or -īn pattern, which in most cases is achieved through a morpheme denoting masculine plural. One wonders how this rather mechanically applied and inconspicuous ending should suffice to fulfill the listeners' anticipation of an end marker of the verse. ¶ Upon closer examination, however, one discovers that the rhyme as such is no longer charged with this end-marker function, but there is instead another device to mark the end. The verse concludes with an entire syntactically stereotypical rhymed phrase, which one may term cadenza — in analogy to the final part of speech units in Gregorian chants which, through their particular sound pattern, arouse the expectation of an ending. In the Qurʾān what is repeated is not only the identical musical sound but a linguistic pattern as well: a widely stereotypical phrasing. The musical sound pattern comes to enhance the message encoded in the qurʾānic cadenza-phrase that in many instances introduces a meta-discourse. Many cadenza-phrases are semantically distinguished from their context and add a moral comment to it, such as “truly, you were one of the sinners” (innaki kunti min al- khāṭaiʾīn, q 12:29). They thus transcend the main narrative or argumentative flow of the sūra, introducing a spiritual dimension: divine approval or disapproval. They may also refer to one of God's attributes, like “God is powerful over everything” (wa-kāna llāhu ʿalā kulli shayʾin qadīran, q 33:27; see power and impotence) which in the later stages of qurʾānic development become parameters of ideal human behavior. These meta-narrative insertions into the narrative or argumentative fabric which would, of course, in a written text, be meant for silent reading, appear rather disturbing, delaying the information process. They add, however, fundamentally to the impact of the oral recitation (see Neuwirth, Zur Struktur; see also verses; reciters of the qurʾān). The Qurʾān thus — as Nicolai Sinai has expressed it — consciously styles itself as a text evolving on different, yet closely intertwined, levels of discourse and mediality. ¶ Although it is true that not all multipartite verses bear such formulaic endings, cadenzas may be considered characteristic of the later Meccan and all the Medinan qurʾānic texts. The resounding cadenza, thus, replaces the earlier expressive rhyme pattern, marking a new and irreversible development in the emergence of the text and of the new faith. It immediately creates a new literary form within Arabic literature.
- Types of Medinan sūras
In Medina, sūras not only give up their tripartite scheme, but they also display much less sophistication in the patterns of their composition. One type may be aptly termed the “rhetorical” sūra or sermon ( q 22, 24, 33, 47, 48, 49, 57-66; see rhetoric and the qurān); they consist of an address to the community whose members are called upon directly by formulas such as yā ayyuhā l- nās ( q 22:1, “Oh people”). In these sūras, which in some cases ( q 59, 61, 62, 64) are stereotypically introduced by initial hymnal formulas strongly reminiscent of the biblical Psalms, the Prophet (al- nabī) no longer appears as a mere transmitter of the message but as one personally addressed by God ( q 33:28, “Oh Prophet” [yā ayyuhā l-nabī]) or as an agent acting synergistically with the divine persona ( q 33:22, “God and his Prophet” [ allāhu wa- rasūluhu]). A particularly graphic testimony of the new self-positioning of the Prophet is q 33, particularly q 33:56.
As against these “monolithic” addresses, the bulk of the Medinan sūras are the most complex of the entire Qurʾān. Most of the so-called “long sūras” (ṭiwāl al-suwar, e.g. q 2-10) cease to be neatly structured compositions, but appear to be the result of a process of collection that we can not yet reconstruct (see collection of the qurʾān). Initial attempts to claim an intended structure for some of these sūras have been made by Zahniser (Word of God); but a systematic study of all these sūras is still an urgent desideratum in the field. ¶
Since we have to understand the Qurʾān's development as one strain of a double process that will result in both a scripture and a cultus, the long sūras are most interesting as milestones of the development of the ritual backdrop of the qurʾānic communication process. Though their structure may be secondary, their message sheds important light on particular ritual changes whose symbolic value cannot be underestimated.
Although occasional regulations — mostly concerning cultic matters — do occur in Meccan sūras, more elaborate regulations about not only cultic but also communal affairs figure prominently in the Medinan context (see law and the qurʾān). Their binding force is sometimes underlined by a reference to the transcendent source: “it is prescribed for you” ( kutiba ʿalaykum, q 2:183-7). Among the most important ritual rulings is the ruling concerning the new direction of prayer, the qibla, towards Mecca ( q 2:143f.). This ruling marks the separation of the community from the Jewish listeners who earlier had been among the receivers of the Qurʾān — a situation that had provoked a re-reading of earlier texts that had been done from the perspective of particular rabbinical discourses (Neuwirth, Oral scriptures). Other important rulings concern the three pillars of what was to become Islamic cultus and liturgy: the establishment of a weekly communal service, the ṣalāt al-jumuʿa (cf. q 62:9; see friday prayer), the implementation of a fast (see ramaḍān; fasting), introduced with reference to the Jewish fast — both still preceding the exclusion of the Jews — and the introduction of the ḥajj ceremony into the festive canon ( q 2:196 f., 22:27 f.; see pilgrimage). The Medinan regulations do not display any structured composition, nor do they form part of neatly composed units; they suggest, rather, later insertions into loosely connected contexts. ¶
Time, thus, in the Medinan sūras becomes structured by an emerging Islamic cultus. Simultaneously, the historical flow of significant events starts to inform the consciousness of the community; indeed, they enter the Qurʾān as part of salvation history that is now perceived as encompassing the emerging Islamic community (see community and society in the qurʾān). A new element appearing in Medinan sūras are accounts of contemporary events experienced or enacted by the community, such as the battle of Badr (q.v.; q 3:123), Uḥud ( q 3:155-74), the expulsion of the Banū l- Naḍīr ( q 59:2-5; see naḍīr, banū l-), the siege of Khaybar ( q 48:15), the expedition to Tabūk ( q 9:29-35; see expeditions and battles) or the farewell sermon of the Prophet in q 5:1-3 (see farewell pilgrimage). It is noteworthy that these reports do not display a special artistic literary shaping, nor do they betray any particular pathos. It comes as no surprise, then, that, unlike the situation in Judaism and Christianity, where biblical history has been fused to form a mythical drama of salvation, no such great narrative has arisen from the Qurʾān itself. A metahistorical blueprint of the genesis of Islam was constructed only later, through the sīra.
- Sūra — parashah — perikope
The surely ancient division of the Qurʾān into sections, some of which may already have been called sūras during the Prophet's lifetime, has ruled out a later pericopization such as occurred in Judaism and Christianity (see Neuwirth, Three religious feasts). Both Judaic and Christian orthodoxy bind biblical texts to particular temporal frames. To quote Yerushalmi (Jewish history, 15 f.):
The Pentateuchal narratives, which brought the historical record up to the eve of the conquest of Canaan, together with the weekly lesson from the prophets, were read aloud in the synagogue from beginning to end. ¶ The public reading was completed triennially in Palestine, annually in Babylonia (as is the custom today), and immediately the reading would begin again.
In an analogous way, the Gospels (q.v.) in the Orthodox churches — having replaced in Christianity the Torah (q.v.) as the core of Scriptures — are distributed over the course of the year, “cut” into pericopes (Greek perikope) and thus reflect the Jewish reading of weekly chapters of the Torah (Hebrew parashah). This cycle of readings from the core of the scripture is accompanied, as in Judaism, by a second sequence of texts taken from other parts of the scriptures. The Pauline letters (Greek apostolos) and additional readings from the historical or prophetic books of the Hebrew Bible (Greek propheteia) are meant to elucidate the pericopes from the core texts, the Gospels. This, of course, continues the tradition of the readings from the prophets in Judaism (Hebrew haftarah), a corpus undisputed in its rank as a vital complement and a necessary exegetical context for the Torah.
As against that, no annual cycle of scriptural reading exists in Islam; the qurʾānic text has never been divided into required weekly or daily portions to be read out in public services. That means that a continuous recollection of salvation history from creation (q.v.) to redemption, as in Christianity (see also fall of man), does not take place during the weekly ritual nor is the believers' predicants and salvation-their ever again being saved by divine intervention, as in Judaism, made present through the weekly service. Sūras as such — even if arranged in an annual cycle of recitations — would not fulfill the task of the parashah or perikope to “represent” salvation history. ¶ Reflective as the sūras are of certain stages of the proto-Muslim communal development, they lack interest in an extended linear memorial representation of salvation history in its entirety. Yet the Qurʾān has been justly credited with having generated “a ceremonial of textual repetition with a pronouncedly obsessional character” (al-Azmeh, Muslim canon). This is, of course, due to its very structure, which predisposes it to be chanted. As the reciter with his chant re-enacts the practice of the Prophet's own recitation, he is — like the Prophet — free to select “whatever is easy for him to recite” (cf. q 73:20, mā tayassara mina l-qurʾāni) be it an entire sūra or only a section of it.
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- Cite this page
Neuwirth, Angelika, “Sūra(s)”, in: Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān, General Editor: Jane Dammen McAuliffe, Georgetown University, Washington DC. Consulted online on 07 January 2017 <http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875-3922_q3_EQCOM_00197>
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